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This article seeks to explore the conflict between Samsung and Apple. The conflict has been one of the most outstanding patent wars in the history of the smartphone industry. Apple and Samsung are among the most popular manufacturers of commonly used smartphones and tablets. The conflict began when Apple decided to file a federal lawsuit in the US district court, accusing Samsung of copying some of its iPhone features in the Samsung Galaxy S II smartphone. The court ascertained that the gadget had similar characteristics to Apple, thus ordering Samsung to pay Apple for the damages. In response, Samsung reacted by filing countersuits. The two firms, almost fifty cases in different nations and regions. The issues lasted for seven years, starting from 2011 and ending in 2016, in which both companies benefited and lost at the same time. The conflict emanated because of each firm pursuing its competitive advantage in the market. Apart from following market shares, third parties, like consumers, instigated the conflict, with international politics and the media playing a role.

Following the Arab Spring in 2011, Yemen’s devastating conflicts have deepened even further, leading the country to be the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Despite the international community's multiple attempts to resolve this conflict, the conflict seems to have reached a stalemate. To make matters worse, resolving the conflict is made difficult by the large number of parties involved, internally and externally, and by the complex, dual and fluid nature of the relationships they share. Although the media and international community's focus is directed towards the binary conflict between the Hadi government and Saudi Arabia on one side and Iran and the Houthis on the other, the conflict is greatly multifaceted and far from being binary. This paper critically analyzes and explores other participating actors to comprehend the root causes of the conflict entirely. Although this conflict has been advertised as a proxy war, while others trace back the motivation to sectarianism, this paper argues how this analysis can be misleading and hindering the peace process.

The participation of private and military contractors in armed conflicts is the contemporary phenomenon that concerned policymakers and military strategists, particularly Russian contractors. This phenomenon attracts most politicians to set up initiatives and to draw international guidelines to all concerned parties. The purpose of this research paper is to investigate the condition of Russian private military and security companies (PMSCs) in recent armed conflicts. The research is based on the realism approach, which will help explain Russian state behavior towards PMSCs, while the neoliberalism approach will help to explore this phenomenon from the Russian economic perspective. This research applies inductive, exploratory, and qualitative approaches, which solely based on secondary resources and media contents. The main finding of this research shows that those contractors have obligations under International Humanitarian Law (IHL), but the only limitation is the state’s obligation to endorse them.  Besides, it seems that an international treaty between countries could be a practical step towards having a useful regulatory framework.

The role of Omani diplomacy is visible in promoting its foreign policy and fulfilling the Sultan’s vision. Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance. To translate the Sultan’s vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman’s diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman’s foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy. This paper attempts to contribute to academia by providing a comprehensive outlook on Oman’s diplomacy, focusing on this topic from a practical point of view. It presents Omani diplomacy through dialogue and negotiations. It assembles a clear direction for the reader based on information, including personal communication with Omani diplomats. Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance. To translate the Sultan's vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman's diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman's foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy.