Explore the evidence.
Understand the reach.

This paper uses politico-social capital theorisation of the relationship between public trust and democracy in order to demonstrate the interdependence of the African National Congress’ (ANC’s) declining electoral fortunes and the increasing public trust deficits in South Africa’s state, constitutional democracy and political institutions. As desktop-based research, the paper conducts literature survey to distils the relationship between public trust, as social capital, in institutions of society, and electoral performance and formation of societal leadership vacuum, within complexities of the political-economy and political culture and system such as those entrenched in South Africa under the ANC’s 28-year rule. The paper analyses statistical evidence from Afrobarometer’s 2022 survey about South Africans’ public trust in state and political institutions from 2006 to 2021, as well as national, provincial and local government election results from the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) from 1994 to 2019, to corroborate its theoretical framing. It makes three findings, thus: there is a direct relationship between the ANC’s declining electoral fortunes and the erosion of public trust in institutions of society; the ANC’s 28-years of state governance has created an ominous societal leadership vacuum, setting South Africa’s democracy on the precipice of civil strife; and, the ANC’s declining electoral fortunes will persist into the foreseeable future because public trust is hard to regain and sustain once eroded.

The formation of South Africa’s Government of National Unity (GNU) following the 2024 general elections marked a significant departure from dominant-party governance. This article examines the political and institutional challenges that have emerged under this coalition arrangement. Drawing on developments involving major actors such as the African National Congress and the Democratic Alliance, the paper analyses how ideological divergence, administrative fragmentation, and the absence of formal coalition protocols have constrained governance capacity. The study evaluates five interrelated domains: policy coherence, institutional coordination, service delivery, coalition stability, and democratic legitimacy. It does so through the lens of consociational democracy and coalition stability theory. The analysis highlights how tactical alliances and power brokering by smaller parties, combined with limited public engagement, have eroded public trust and stalled reform. Although the GNU has prevented a political breakdown and created a platform for dialogue, it has not yet been translated into functional governance. The article argues that South Africa’s experience emphasizes the need for structural reforms, including codified coalition agreements, electoral reform, and enhanced civic participation. By critically assessing the GNU’s governance trajectory, this study offers lessons for other transitional democracies navigating the tension between pluralism and administrative effectiveness.

The relationship between election results and economic development remains a contentious debate in various contexts, including academia. The article assesses the effects of national election results on economic development in South Africa. Election results can affect economic development and good governance through good policies implementation after elections. This article employs the qualitative method to review scholarly journals, books, government programmes, reports and policies for its data collection and analysis. The findings reveal that elections can improve economic policy by increasing government accountability. Hence, it is recommended that, the government implement inclusive economic policies focusing on job creation, skills development, and empowerment of marginalised groups to ensure broad-based economic growth and social stability. Overall, election results can yield positive effects on economic development depending on policy development and implementation, the firmness and strength of the political environment, and the responsiveness of markets and institutions. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for anticipating economic trends and making informed decisions on economic growth

Voting and elections are regarded as quintessential democratic and policy behaviours. The problem with elections is that they do not fully mean democracy. The rationale behind the latter is that regular, free and fair elections do not provide for individual freedoms, political equality, empowerment, an independent civil society, a free press, or scope for deliberation-all key components of liberal democracy. Moreover, elections serve as a pivotal instrument designed to express and simultaneously reinforce the principles (representation, equality, and participation) on which democracy is founded. In democracy, communities exercise their voting rights to elect their representatives, who in turn hold the bureaucracy accountable for implementing decisions that affect the welfare of local communities. Looking at South Africa among African countries, the introduction of a democratic dispensation came with opportunities for the previously excluded citizens. Therefore, Section 195 (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, emphasizes that 'people' needs must be responded to and the public must be encouraged to participate in policy making. The Paper seeks to give a comparison of democracy and elections in selected African countries. Often countries tend to practice elections and perceive democracy differently. This conceptual paper employed the use of a desktop study and has retrieved its basic contribution and argument from the existing literature on democracy and elections in Africa. Furthermore, the article discovered that in most cases citizens’ beliefs, preferences and behaviors change through political engagement, and further recommends that during voting campaigns and elections, a diversity of issues such as culture, beliefs, tradition, and individual preferences should be considered.

The regional faction, which is frequently perceived as a threat to the democratic system, has received limited attention regarding its representation of values in contemporary society and influence on voting behavior. This study employs the reasoned action approach (RAA) to investigate the influence of attitudes and subjective norms on electoral intention, incorporating perceived utilitarian and hedonic values toward the regional faction. The study hypothesizes that these value perceptions, in conjunction with the theoretical predictors, will collectively influence the voting intentions of electors. Two months before the local elections in Taiwan in 2022, 469 respondents provided information. Using SPSS 25.0, descriptive statistics and regression analyses were used to analyze the data. Principal findings indicate that instrumental attitude, affective attitude, and descriptive norm positively influence electoral intention, whereas injunctive norm negatively influences electoral intention. Moreover, hedonic values moderate the relationships between affective attitude and intention and between injunctive norm and intention. Likewise, utilitarian values moderate the relationship between injunctive norms and intent. These findings highlight the significance of voters' perceptions of the regional faction's value, casting light on its impact on electoral intent. During the investigated local election in Taiwan, the interaction of attitudes, norms, and values emerged as a crucial factor influencing voter behavior. These findings enhance our comprehension of the intricate decision-making processes within the electoral context and provide valuable insights for political campaigns and policy considerations.

The relationship between election results and economic development remains a contentious debate in various contexts, including academia. The article assesses the effects of national election results on economic development in South Africa. Election results can affect economic development and good governance through good policies implementation after elections. This article employs the qualitative method to review scholarly journals, books, government programmes, reports and policies for its data collection and analysis. The findings reveal that elections can improve economic policy by increasing government accountability. Hence, it is recommended that, the government implement inclusive economic policies focusing on job creation, skills development, and empowerment of marginalised groups to ensure broad-based economic growth and social stability. Overall, election results can yield positive effects on economic development depending on policy development and implementation, the firmness and strength of the political environment, and the responsiveness of markets and institutions. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for anticipating economic trends and making informed decisions on economic growth

The formation of South Africa’s Government of National Unity (GNU) following the 2024 general elections marked a significant departure from dominant-party governance. This article examines the political and institutional challenges that have emerged under this coalition arrangement. Drawing on developments involving major actors such as the African National Congress and the Democratic Alliance, the paper analyses how ideological divergence, administrative fragmentation, and the absence of formal coalition protocols have constrained governance capacity. The study evaluates five interrelated domains: policy coherence, institutional coordination, service delivery, coalition stability, and democratic legitimacy. It does so through the lens of consociational democracy and coalition stability theory. The analysis highlights how tactical alliances and power brokering by smaller parties, combined with limited public engagement, have eroded public trust and stalled reform. Although the GNU has prevented a political breakdown and created a platform for dialogue, it has not yet been translated into functional governance. The article argues that South Africa’s experience emphasizes the need for structural reforms, including codified coalition agreements, electoral reform, and enhanced civic participation. By critically assessing the GNU’s governance trajectory, this study offers lessons for other transitional democracies navigating the tension between pluralism and administrative effectiveness.

This paper uses politico-social capital theorisation of the relationship between public trust and democracy in order to demonstrate the interdependence of the African National Congress’ (ANC’s) declining electoral fortunes and the increasing public trust deficits in South Africa’s state, constitutional democracy and political institutions. As desktop-based research, the paper conducts literature survey to distils the relationship between public trust, as social capital, in institutions of society, and electoral performance and formation of societal leadership vacuum, within complexities of the political-economy and political culture and system such as those entrenched in South Africa under the ANC’s 28-year rule. The paper analyses statistical evidence from Afrobarometer’s 2022 survey about South Africans’ public trust in state and political institutions from 2006 to 2021, as well as national, provincial and local government election results from the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) from 1994 to 2019, to corroborate its theoretical framing. It makes three findings, thus: there is a direct relationship between the ANC’s declining electoral fortunes and the erosion of public trust in institutions of society; the ANC’s 28-years of state governance has created an ominous societal leadership vacuum, setting South Africa’s democracy on the precipice of civil strife; and, the ANC’s declining electoral fortunes will persist into the foreseeable future because public trust is hard to regain and sustain once eroded.

Voting and elections are regarded as quintessential democratic and policy behaviours. The problem with elections is that they do not fully mean democracy. The rationale behind the latter is that regular, free and fair elections do not provide for individual freedoms, political equality, empowerment, an independent civil society, a free press, or scope for deliberation-all key components of liberal democracy. Moreover, elections serve as a pivotal instrument designed to express and simultaneously reinforce the principles (representation, equality, and participation) on which democracy is founded. In democracy, communities exercise their voting rights to elect their representatives, who in turn hold the bureaucracy accountable for implementing decisions that affect the welfare of local communities. Looking at South Africa among African countries, the introduction of a democratic dispensation came with opportunities for the previously excluded citizens. Therefore, Section 195 (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, emphasizes that 'people' needs must be responded to and the public must be encouraged to participate in policy making. The Paper seeks to give a comparison of democracy and elections in selected African countries. Often countries tend to practice elections and perceive democracy differently. This conceptual paper employed the use of a desktop study and has retrieved its basic contribution and argument from the existing literature on democracy and elections in Africa. Furthermore, the article discovered that in most cases citizens’ beliefs, preferences and behaviors change through political engagement, and further recommends that during voting campaigns and elections, a diversity of issues such as culture, beliefs, tradition, and individual preferences should be considered.

The regional faction, which is frequently perceived as a threat to the democratic system, has received limited attention regarding its representation of values in contemporary society and influence on voting behavior. This study employs the reasoned action approach (RAA) to investigate the influence of attitudes and subjective norms on electoral intention, incorporating perceived utilitarian and hedonic values toward the regional faction. The study hypothesizes that these value perceptions, in conjunction with the theoretical predictors, will collectively influence the voting intentions of electors. Two months before the local elections in Taiwan in 2022, 469 respondents provided information. Using SPSS 25.0, descriptive statistics and regression analyses were used to analyze the data. Principal findings indicate that instrumental attitude, affective attitude, and descriptive norm positively influence electoral intention, whereas injunctive norm negatively influences electoral intention. Moreover, hedonic values moderate the relationships between affective attitude and intention and between injunctive norm and intention. Likewise, utilitarian values moderate the relationship between injunctive norms and intent. These findings highlight the significance of voters' perceptions of the regional faction's value, casting light on its impact on electoral intent. During the investigated local election in Taiwan, the interaction of attitudes, norms, and values emerged as a crucial factor influencing voter behavior. These findings enhance our comprehension of the intricate decision-making processes within the electoral context and provide valuable insights for political campaigns and policy considerations.