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Municipalities are mandated to follow the principles of democracy, accountability, and good governance. This is evident in the delivery of basic services. Municipalities are directly responsible for ensuring that communities have water, sanitation, and so on, and that community members have a voice that affects their existence. This is, however, not the case in most South African communities, where squalor and sordid conditions prevail. In 2021, it was reported that 64 municipalities were dysfunctional and that the dysfunction was attributed to “poor governance, weak institutional capacity, poor financial management, corruption, and political instability”. A Code of Conduct is available in the South African public sector, governing the behavior and work ethic of public officials, councillors, and the like. Yet corruption and maladministration at the local government level prevail. Therefore, the Local Government Ethical Leadership Initiative was launched in 2020 with the view of devising another code focused on ethical governance in South African local government by October 2023. The research question that this article addresses is centered on whether a new code of conduct is needed and whether the problem with the existing code does not lie with its enforcement or the ethnicity of the public officials in leadership positions and their view on how to conduct business. The article employed a qualitative research approach where secondary sources of information, constituting document analysis, premised around disruption and ethnic leadership as well as the legislative framework in relation to the Code of Conduct governing South African local government in particular and anti-corrupt behavior in general, were explored. Four provinces were purposefully selected to partake in the study. Extracts from the AG’s report formed the locus of the study. It was found that one cannot explicitly say that ethnicity plays a role in how municipalities are governed. However, governance in selected provinces was marred by poor governance practices and inadequate leadership. The Code of Conduct for Public Servants is generally not adhered to. Further research around ethnic leadership in the South African public sector is called for.

As South Africa enters its fourth decades of democratic governance there is growing debate about the way intergovernmental support and intervention is understood from operational perspectives, particularly as pertains to the management of local government. It is not clear how national and provincial governments apply intergovernmental support, control and checking mechanisms before the mandatory interventions through Section 139 of the Constitution of South Africa (1996) becomes a necessity. This article aims to contribute to this contemporary discourse by providing a critical account of the role of intergovernmental support and intervention to local government in provincial contexts. The article follows qualitative approach. It argues that a capable local government is possible if there is enough intergovernmental support from provincial and national governments. It further argues mandatory interventions are not helpful, and that their parameters should be revisited and certainly, limit those to cases of ‘absolute’ impossibilities. In the end, the article recommended key ‘intergovernmental support’ channels and measures that provinces can use to aid municipalities facing crisis situations.   

South Africa and the world at large continue to experience storms of natural disasters such as the COVID-19 pandemic which pose a great negative impact on people’s livelihood such as loss of lives. To mitigate such negative effects and respond effectively to natural disasters, there is a need for legislative frameworks and policies that must guide the process. In South Africa for instance, disaster legislations were used by the government to inform and guide their response to the COVID-19 pandemic. It is from this background that the researcher developed a hunch to analyse the South African natural disaster and related legislations that were applicable to the response to the COVID-19 pandemic in South Africa. This study adopted the non-empirical research method wherein existing literature was reviewed. The researcher reviewed and analysed documents on the South African disaster legislation from search engines such as EBSCOhost, google scholar and ProQuest. The inductive Thematic Content Analysis (TCA) was used to analyse the collected data. The primary finding of this study revealed that legislation played an important role in guiding the COVID-19 response of the South African government. The underlined conclusion suggests that disaster legislation, programs and policies should focus on effective prevention, effective reduction, promotion of well-being, and harmless responses to individuals.

The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, grants all official languages parity of esteem and equal treatment. The Constitution also recognises injustices of the past and historical diminished use of indigenous (African) languages. It is against this backdrop that this democratic constitution calls-upon the national and provincial government to take practical and positive measures in encouraging the use and elevation of the status of African languages. In advocating for these languages, the Constitution declares that a minimum of two official languages be used by the government in executing government activities. Contrastingly, the heads of court resolutions in 2017 declared English a lingua franca in South African courts. In a diverse country such as South Africa with twelve official languages, this raises critical concerns in terms of the country’s diversity, inclusivity, and multilingualism policies. With a distinct focus on Eastern Cape legal courts, this study examines the constitutional linguistic rights on the use of English as a lingua franca in South African courts system. The study adopted a qualitative research approach embedded within the exploratory-explanatory research design. The data was obtained from secondary sources, which in this context are judicial precedents. To analyse the collected data, close-reading and thematic content analysis techniques were adopted. The findings of the study exhibit English as a language of power and access in law, this positions African languages at the periphery, limiting their development and incorporation in legalese. Also, the use of English as a lingua franca in the Eastern Cape courts contravenes the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. This study submits that legal practitioners and linguists should critically explore, language studies to bridge the knowledge gap.  Additionally, the government should create channels which allow the practical use of African languages in the court of law.                                                                                                                                             

South Africa continues to experience a prevalent predisposition to using diversity to over-emphasise difference to justify exclusion at the expense of a constitutionally inspired social cohesion. However, research has yet to highlight essentialist diversity discourse that undermines the aim of social cohesion in South Africa. Accordingly, this study examines the constructs of essentialist diversity discourse that undermine the aim of social cohesion in Post-Apartheid South Africa. This study utilised an inductive qualitative content analysis approach. Data, in particular, secondary text collected from court judgements, was analysed using qualitative inductive content analysis. The inductive qualitative content analysis highlights that linguicism, historicentrism, cultural and heritage purism and racial supremacy constitute key essentialist diversity discourse, manifest exclusion and divisions. The constructs of the essentialist discourse of diversity fragment the South African society and undermine the inclusivity as the aims of social cohesion. The findings indicate that the government needs to focus on promoting multiculturalism through celebrating differences and highlighting an inclusive narrative to make communities comfortable with being different together in order to make progress towards social cohesion in South Africa

Section 24 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa guarantees everyone the right to an environment that is not harmful to health or well-being. It further requires the state to take reasonable measures to prevent environmental degradation, protect natural resources, and promote sustainable development. Despite this constitutional commitment, South Africa continues to experience increasing climate risks and environmental challenges. Small businesses, particularly those operating in informal and urban settings, are both contributors to and affected by these challenges. Their activities may contribute to environmental harm through poor waste management, inefficient energy use, and limited access to sustainable practices. At the same time, they remain vulnerable to climate impacts such as flooding, water shortages, and extreme weather events. This study examines how weaknesses in climate policy implementation undermine the practical realization of environmental rights under section 24. Using qualitative doctrinal and policy analysis, the study evaluates constitutional provisions, environmental legislation, climate policies, and governance frameworks. Literature reveal that South Africa has developed strong legal and policy frameworks, but implementation remains limited by weak enforcement, fragmented governance, inadequate institutional capacity, and poor coordination across government spheres. These challenges create a gap between constitutional commitments and the lived environmental realities of vulnerable communities and small businesses. Moreover, with appropriate support, these enterprises can adopt sustainable practices, improve resilience, and contribute to broader climate objectives. The study concludes that environmental rights under section 24 cannot be fully achieved through legislation alone. Effective implementation requires stronger accountability, coordinated governance, and practical support mechanisms. It recommends integrating small businesses into climate planning, improving access to climate education and green technologies, and providing incentives for sustainable practices. These measures can strengthen climate resilience, reduce environmental harm, and ensure that the constitutional right to a healthy environment is realized in practice.

1. Abstract   A quest for accountability and fairness in the South African public service has been undermined by persistent gaps in discipline management, particularly in the application of PSCBC Resolution 1 of 2003. This study examines the impact of non-compliance with procedural principles and timeframes on dismissed employees and their families within the North West provincial government. Drawing on literature on procedural justice, consequence management, and labour law, the study assesses disciplinary policy practice, precautionary suspension processes, and the reluctance of departments to implement reinstatement awards.   The study adopted a mixed-methods design. The population comprised employees across nine North West provincial departments. Data were collected through document review of disciplinary case files and arbitration awards, a structured questionnaire administered to 100 respondents, and 30 semi-structured interviews with dismissed employees, employees with delayed reinstatement awards, and family members. Key informant interviews were conducted with labour relations practitioners. Data were analysed using descriptive statistics to assess variability and deviation from Resolution 1 of 2003, supplemented by thematic analysis of interview and case law evidence.   The data indicate widespread failure to follow Resolution 1 of 2003, with some reinstatement awards delayed by up to 17 years. In practice, departments often opened disciplinary hearings without adequate preliminary investigation, extended precautionary suspensions well past the 60-day statutory limit, and resisted implementing CCMA and Labour Court orders to reinstate employees. Consequences include prolonged income loss, asset repossession, psychological distress, stigma, and social breakdown for employees and dependents. Institutional resistance, manifested through repeated review applications and unlawful salary deductions, further weakens accountability.   The study concludes that administrative non-compliance generates measurable financial, psychological, and social harm that extends beyond the workplace. Recommendations include enforcing time-bound implementation of awards, establishing a central monitoring system, limiting procedural delay tactics, integrating family impact assessments, and strengthening accountability within labour relations units through progressive and team-based discipline, capacitated accountability mechanisms, and merit-based appointments.

This paper provides a systematic constitutional analysis of telemarketing regulation in South Africa, arguing that intrusive practices violate the foundational rights to privacy, dignity, freedom of association, and equality. Using a doctrinal methodology, it examines the jurisprudential evolution of these rights in digital commerce, the efficacy of key statutes such as the Consumer Protection Act (CPA) and the Protection of Personal Information Act (POPIA), and the normative influence of international law. The analysis reveals a critical disjuncture between robust constitutional guarantees and their practical enforcement, exacerbated by systemic challenges including inadequate regulatory capacity, technological advancement outpacing legislation, and the disproportionate targeting of vulnerable populations. The paper concludes by proposing an integrated, rights-based reform agenda, contending that effective telemarketing regulation is essential not only for protecting fundamental rights and human dignity in the digital age but also for promoting consumer trust, ethical business conduct, and sustainable digital market development.

The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, grants all official languages parity of esteem and equal treatment. The Constitution also recognises injustices of the past and historical diminished use of indigenous (African) languages. It is against this backdrop that this democratic constitution calls-upon the national and provincial government to take practical and positive measures in encouraging the use and elevation of the status of African languages. In advocating for these languages, the Constitution declares that a minimum of two official languages be used by the government in executing government activities. Contrastingly, the heads of court resolutions in 2017 declared English a lingua franca in South African courts. In a diverse country such as South Africa with twelve official languages, this raises critical concerns in terms of the country’s diversity, inclusivity, and multilingualism policies. With a distinct focus on Eastern Cape legal courts, this study examines the constitutional linguistic rights on the use of English as a lingua franca in South African courts system. The study adopted a qualitative research approach embedded within the exploratory-explanatory research design. The data was obtained from secondary sources, which in this context are judicial precedents. To analyse the collected data, close-reading and thematic content analysis techniques were adopted. The findings of the study exhibit English as a language of power and access in law, this positions African languages at the periphery, limiting their development and incorporation in legalese. Also, the use of English as a lingua franca in the Eastern Cape courts contravenes the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. This study submits that legal practitioners and linguists should critically explore, language studies to bridge the knowledge gap.  Additionally, the government should create channels which allow the practical use of African languages in the court of law.                                                                                                                                             

South Africa continues to experience a prevalent predisposition to using diversity to over-emphasise difference to justify exclusion at the expense of a constitutionally inspired social cohesion. However, research has yet to highlight essentialist diversity discourse that undermines the aim of social cohesion in South Africa. Accordingly, this study examines the constructs of essentialist diversity discourse that undermine the aim of social cohesion in Post-Apartheid South Africa. This study utilised an inductive qualitative content analysis approach. Data, in particular, secondary text collected from court judgements, was analysed using qualitative inductive content analysis. The inductive qualitative content analysis highlights that linguicism, historicentrism, cultural and heritage purism and racial supremacy constitute key essentialist diversity discourse, manifest exclusion and divisions. The constructs of the essentialist discourse of diversity fragment the South African society and undermine the inclusivity as the aims of social cohesion. The findings indicate that the government needs to focus on promoting multiculturalism through celebrating differences and highlighting an inclusive narrative to make communities comfortable with being different together in order to make progress towards social cohesion in South Africa