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In the last seven years, Limpopo Province experienced a high rate of service delivery protests that turned violent. The service delivery protests in the Vuwani area have received a lot of media coverage and international scrutiny, wherein school, and government buildings were vandalised and burned down. The study adopted a qualitative approach to explore the reasons why the protests turned violent and further questioned the burning of state property. The interviews were held with 40 community members in the Vuwani area and thematic content analyses were used. The long-standing tribal issues and political instability were at the centre of the violent protests in Vuwani area. The findings revealed dissatisfaction with municipal demarcation decisions perpetuated violent service delivery protests in Vuwani. Protest initially begins as peaceful demonstrations as mostly community members participate, the educated and the uneducated. However, protests provide an opportunity for criminals to vandalise state property and loot. The study recommends thorough public participation and consultation during decision-making that involves the community. Political stability should be enforced to avoid political agents inciting violence in the communities. Furthermore, harsher punishment was recommended for those who participate in violent service delivery protests.

This article explores theorisation that identifies the locus of South Africa’s scorched-earth lived experiences in the fixation on scientific dogma and conceptual binaries as well as governance utopianisms, wherein the latter are derivatives of the former. It explores South African’s lived experiences over the past 28 years in order to demonstrate that politicians’ reverence for governance utopianism has failed to appreciate the unity of realities, facts, values, objectivities, subjectivities, permanences, fluxes and changes, which consist of complex intricacies that are not amenable to dogmatic “incontrovertibly true” sets of authoritative principles and catchy governance utopianisms, because humanity’s imagination and creative thought are experimental in nature given the diversity of spatialities and “geography differences.” From desktop-based research literature survey and theorisation, the article advances a theoretical argument that if “science is one,” and if reality is unitary, then fragmentary theories and models are creatures of humanity’s world of imperfections. Additionally, the article analyses statistical evidence drawn from Statistics South Africa (StatsSA) in order to demonstrate that the scorched-earth metaphor is real for South Africa’s 28-year democratic governance. It finds that in South Africa’s twenty-eight years of democratic experiment, lived experiences resemble scorched-earth metaphor with no silver lining in sight. Philosophically, the paper concludes that if what resides on God’s left is on humanity’s right, then the “rightness” and/or “leftness” of people consists of intractable complexities of particularity, individuality and incommunicability that have led to fragmentary science, fixation on dogma and binaries as well as politicians’ reverence for governance utopianisms, simultaneously as society’s lived experiences resemble normalised scorched-earth.

This paper uses desktop review to critique Ndlovu (2014)’s analysis of South Africa’s ‘exceptionalism’ and ‘xenophobia’ based on the articulations of the minister of Sports Fikile Mbalula at the Cape Town stadium in September 2014. Critical analysis underpinned on interpretivism was used to argue that Ndlovu chose an irrelevant case to frame his problem. This resulted in the biased analysis as published. Ndlovu (2014) is ignorant on the influence of sports rivalrism on human behaviour – especially as it has been historical between Nigeria and South Africa. Ndlovu’s (2014) description of Black South Africans affirms Euro-American hostility and attitude on Blackness which to this tradition denotes ‘danger’ – a sentiment sponsored by the swart gevaar philosophy of the apartheid regime in South Africa. The idea of the swart gevaar philosophy was to assassinate Blackness and Black people’s character. It is concluded that Ndlovu (2014) is pontifical – wanting to model immigrant nationals as victims of Black South Africans while positioning white and immigrant nationals as the civilised humans who happened to share social space with the barbarous Black South Africans. This is an antagonistic approach of wanting to solve what could be a real challenge in society however ending with the unintended consequence of broadening existing social polarisation.

This article explores theorisation that identifies the locus of South Africa’s scorched-earth lived experiences in the fixation on scientific dogma and conceptual binaries as well as governance utopianisms, wherein the latter are derivatives of the former. It explores South African’s lived experiences over the past 28 years in order to demonstrate that politicians’ reverence for governance utopianism has failed to appreciate the unity of realities, facts, values, objectivities, subjectivities, permanences, fluxes and changes, which consist of complex intricacies that are not amenable to dogmatic “incontrovertibly true” sets of authoritative principles and catchy governance utopianisms, because humanity’s imagination and creative thought are experimental in nature given the diversity of spatialities and “geography differences.” From desktop-based research literature survey and theorisation, the article advances a theoretical argument that if “science is one,” and if reality is unitary, then fragmentary theories and models are creatures of humanity’s world of imperfections. Additionally, the article analyses statistical evidence drawn from Statistics South Africa (StatsSA) in order to demonstrate that the scorched-earth metaphor is real for South Africa’s 28-year democratic governance. It finds that in South Africa’s twenty-eight years of democratic experiment, lived experiences resemble scorched-earth metaphor with no silver lining in sight. Philosophically, the paper concludes that if what resides on God’s left is on humanity’s right, then the “rightness” and/or “leftness” of people consists of intractable complexities of particularity, individuality and incommunicability that have led to fragmentary science, fixation on dogma and binaries as well as politicians’ reverence for governance utopianisms, simultaneously as society’s lived experiences resemble normalised scorched-earth.

This paper uses desktop review to critique Ndlovu (2014)’s analysis of South Africa’s ‘exceptionalism’ and ‘xenophobia’ based on the articulations of the minister of Sports Fikile Mbalula at the Cape Town stadium in September 2014. Critical analysis underpinned on interpretivism was used to argue that Ndlovu chose an irrelevant case to frame his problem. This resulted in the biased analysis as published. Ndlovu (2014) is ignorant on the influence of sports rivalrism on human behaviour – especially as it has been historical between Nigeria and South Africa. Ndlovu’s (2014) description of Black South Africans affirms Euro-American hostility and attitude on Blackness which to this tradition denotes ‘danger’ – a sentiment sponsored by the swart gevaar philosophy of the apartheid regime in South Africa. The idea of the swart gevaar philosophy was to assassinate Blackness and Black people’s character. It is concluded that Ndlovu (2014) is pontifical – wanting to model immigrant nationals as victims of Black South Africans while positioning white and immigrant nationals as the civilised humans who happened to share social space with the barbarous Black South Africans. This is an antagonistic approach of wanting to solve what could be a real challenge in society however ending with the unintended consequence of broadening existing social polarisation.

In the last seven years, Limpopo Province experienced a high rate of service delivery protests that turned violent. The service delivery protests in the Vuwani area have received a lot of media coverage and international scrutiny, wherein school, and government buildings were vandalised and burned down. The study adopted a qualitative approach to explore the reasons why the protests turned violent and further questioned the burning of state property. The interviews were held with 40 community members in the Vuwani area and thematic content analyses were used. The long-standing tribal issues and political instability were at the centre of the violent protests in Vuwani area. The findings revealed dissatisfaction with municipal demarcation decisions perpetuated violent service delivery protests in Vuwani. Protest initially begins as peaceful demonstrations as mostly community members participate, the educated and the uneducated. However, protests provide an opportunity for criminals to vandalise state property and loot. The study recommends thorough public participation and consultation during decision-making that involves the community. Political stability should be enforced to avoid political agents inciting violence in the communities. Furthermore, harsher punishment was recommended for those who participate in violent service delivery protests.